Issue No. 32 | Winter 2019
The “class-struggle social democracy” of Bernie Sanders is exceedingly difficult to pull off. If he wins, he’ll face structural pressure to compromise: administering a capitalist state requires maintaining corporate profits. We’ll need to create our own pressure through strikes and protests.
As 2020 approaches, we indulge in some crass Sunday morning horse-race punditry.
Elizabeth Warren’s political tradition is the left edge of middle-class liberalism; Bernie Sanders hails from America’s socialist tradition. Don’t confuse the two.
Socialists throughout history have understood that holding office is not the same thing as winning power. Working people can only entrench their victories through a fight to change the state itself.
Raising kids should be a joy. But in the United States today it often means poverty and stress.
Corporations are making record profits. That’s money we could use to lift millions out of misery.
Europe Since 1989 is a book about neoliberalism in Europe written by someone who doesn’t know what neoliberalism is, and hasn’t really paid much attention to Europe.
Here’s Bernie Sanders in his own words — from denunciations of US militarism to his prediction that “within a decade, Mississippi could become one of the most progressive states in the country.”
A CIA report from November 1967 reveals the agency’s deep fear of Swedish social democracy, and its rising star Olof Palme.
From climate change to criminal justice and student debt: here’s what Bernie Sanders could do if he had executive office and mass popular support, but faced a hostile Congress.
The welfare state isn’t enough. A future Bernie Sanders government needs to pursue policies that diminish the power of capital and radically democratize the economy.
Forget socialist democracy; by virtue of its Constitution, the United States barely has political democracy. If we take expanding democracy seriously — and if we want to implement sweeping social reforms — we need some serious changes.
Vice reminds us of the hell Dick Cheney wrought, with help from a rogue’s gallery of perps, hacks, creeps, and fall guys.
The architect Philip Johnson had some good qualities. He was also talentless, a fascist, and a liar.
The communist Charles White created images of dignity to portray America’s working class. Now, forty years after his death, his art is back in the mainstream.
MMT is billed by its advocates as a radical new way to understand money and debt. But it’ll take more than a few keystrokes to change the economy.
Corbyn’s experience is proof: if the media won’t give the Left a fair hearing, they can be circumvented.
We went looking for our favorite Obama and Clinton campaign alums. We found them in corporate America.
As long as the upper middle class exists, it’s going to be at best ambivalent about our program.
In 1975, the Queen’s loyal representative, governor-general John Kerr, decided he’d had enough of Australian social democracy.
If Canada’s NDP is to have a future, it needs to rediscover its militancy.
It’s a reminder that the state is not neutral, and the ruling class has more than capital strikes at its disposal.
Make sure Jacobin can keep carrying its torch.